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Today it is easy to say that
or that should have been done
differently. I've said it many times,
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I will say it again.
Well, the Soviet army did
not leave until June 1991.
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They also said that they wouldn’t,
even in the spring of 1991,
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clearly emphasised,
and even threatened us,
that they would not leave.
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Foreign Minister Kvicinsky
said that harshly. Jazov and Besmercny,
sitting in my room,
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were more delicately articulated.
It was going been on continuously.
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So it wasn't that simple.
The same is true for the dissolution of Comecon.
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We were alone in this, and we
were the only ones who wanted it.
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And when the Visegrád
meeting was here, even then,
Havel and the Czechoslovak delegation
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didn't want the dissolution of
Comecon without a successor organization.
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I went up before the
Visegrád Treaty was signed,
and I convinced Valentina separately
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and the Czechs the next morning with
her. I can also say that when
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we were in Moscow in June '90,
at breakfast we tried to convince
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the Poles that they should leave
the Warsaw Treaty with us. Havel
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said he'd support us for a while,
but the Secretary of State then came up
to us to say it is no longer true.
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But Maiziere said there's
no way they're risking the
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German unity by saying it.
And indeed, no matter how incredible this sounds
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- when the Foreign Ministers
met at nine o'clock,
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they met after breakfast, our
Secretary of State came back
(it was not the minister who was in Paris representing us)
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from the Foreign Minister's meeting
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and he said that neither Shevardnadze
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nor the others had contributed
to the presentation of a draft
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for the revision and dissolution
of the Warsaw Pact.
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We Hungarians had a draft
but the Soviet draft was approved by the good
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foreign ministers, and the Hungarian draft wasn’t
– it was there in front of me.
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And it was indeed so that this
particular meeting was intended to
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be formal, and it was exceptional
a special sign of historical
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fate that I presided over the last political
meeting of the Warsaw Treaty
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and as President I began to
read the unaccepted Hungarian text.
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And that's when everyone got stiff.
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I thought I'd admit I
was wrong at the worst
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but I'm going to put this forward,
the atmosphere got pretty stiff
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and then Gorbachev said
’Haraso’, I don't know whether
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they understood or misunderstood
what was going on or didn't
risk it to be a scandal
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anyway Gorbachev said yes,
and from then on
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everyone was enthusiastic,
including the Poles and Havel.
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That day we were still
negotiating with the Russians,
the next day we went with Lajos Für
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only for military negotiations
in the Kremlin - probably several
centuries’ tested techique
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that we were taken down in a narrow
corridor - and our own security
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people were already separated.
We went down a long, narrow corridor,
we said to each other,
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"Do you think we are going to end up
in Siberia?" I'm only telling
you this because of the atmosphere.
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’We cannot change our fate now’ we agreed
on the way we were strolling and then they
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took us to a whole little door.
There must have been a lot
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of Tartar Khans and such others going
through that Kremlin back door.
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We thought it was some small room,
- I'm telling you because maybe
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we will still need these
experiences - a small door,
a small door like this,
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they'd take us, they'd open the door,
we wouldn't know where we were
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going to step through the small door,
and then we'd go to a big room
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full of giant chandeliers. It was
part of the psychological operation
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and that's when we had a deal.
The soldiers weren't too keen on us.